War timeline breakdown
The legislation operates on a strict timeline. The act requires the president to consult with Congress before deploying troops into hostilities.
If the US military enters a hostile environment without a formal declaration of war, it mandates that the president submit a detailed report to congressional leaders within 48 hours.
The Trump administration complied with the 48-hour reporting requirement on March 2, officially starting the countdown that culminates on May 1.
Submitting this report triggers Section 5, known as the 60-day clock. According to the law, the president must withdraw US forces within 60 calendar days unless Congress passes specific authorisation, declares war, or extends the deadline.
The president can request an additional 30-day extension by certifying in writing that an unavoidable military necessity requires more time for a safe withdrawal.
The current administration maintains that it has fully complied with constitutional and statutory obligations.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio contacted the congressional “Gang of Eight”—a select group of senior lawmakers who receive classified intelligence—shortly before the strikes commenced. Seven of the eight members were reached, and the group later received a formal White House briefing.
White House Principal Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly said that the administration has maintained clear communication with lawmakers.
Kelly said that officials provided more than 30 bipartisan briefings to keep Congress updated, adding: “The president’s preference is always diplomacy, and Iran wants to make a deal.”
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If the deadline is ignored
The administration will join a long line of presidencies that have successfully bypassed the War Powers Resolution using a sophisticated toolkit of legal manoeuvres.
Historically, presidents assert that their Article II constitutional powers as commander-in-chief supersede any statutory limits imposed by Congress.
The Trump administration previously utilised this argument following the 2020 drone strike against Iranian General Qasem Soleimani, defining the action as a “defensive” measure against imminent threats that did not require legislative approval.
In the current war, the State Department has also offered legal justifications for remaining in the theater. A legal adviser asserted that the US is operating in “collective self-defense” of Israel, as well as exercising its “own inherent right of self-defense.”
Another common method involves redefining the nature of the conflict. Because the 1973 law does not explicitly define the term “hostilities,” the executive branch frequently argues that limited or supportive operations do not trigger the 60-day clock.
During the 2011 military offensive in Libya, former US President Barack Obama claimed the law did not apply because US forces did not sustain fighting or “active exchanges of fire with hostile forces”
Presidents have also used international alliances to shield military actions from congressional deadlines.
In 1999, former US President Bill Clinton continued a bombing campaign in Kosovo well past the 60-day limit by framing the operation as a fulfillment of NATO treaty obligations rather than a unilateral US war.
Modern administrations also frequently rely on the 2001 Authorisation for Use of Military Force, passed after the Sept. 11 attacks.
Presidents from both major US political parties have stretched the 2001 authorisation to cover various “anti-terrorism operations” globally, arguing that it fulfills the specific statutory authorisation required by the 1973 War Powers Act.
With May 1 now here and no permanent peace deal in place, the Iran conflict is edging into a clash between the White House and Congress over who holds the final authority on war.
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